Globalization And Its Consequences

Thirty years after Deng Xiaoping said it was ok to allow some to get rich first, the annual “Hurun Wealth Report” released in Shanghai last month, showed almost 1 million people in China are worth more than 10 million yuan ($1.49 million).

Hurun’s report was not received with celebrations of an approaching milestone; it instead unleashed another wave of deride-the-rich.

Hurun’s founder Rupert Hoogewerf is also the publisher of the “China Rich List”, which reveals the names of the China’s wealthiest individuals.

Hurun’s “Wealth Report” showed that more than 960,000 people – one in 1,400 – have personal assets of more than 10 million yuan. Almost half of them live in three major places: Beijng accounts for 17.7 percent, Guangdong Province 16.4 percent, while Shanghai’s share was 13.8 percent.

The numbers of million-and-a-half-aires jumped 9.7 percent since Hurun’s report last year. The Wealth Report showed 55 percent of them are business owners, while 20 percent are real estate speculators, 15 percent made their money trading stocks and only 10 percent are salaried executives.

Many experts and media commentators say the public’s ire is mainly aimed at speculators who seemingly got rich without contributing to the economy or society.

Online comments and traditional media commentators blamed rapidly rising housing prices on house-hoarding by developers.

“Developers never think about ordinary people. They know there is high demand. They’re just like vampires wringing every drop of blood from our bodies,” said Zhang Dongxiao, a 27-year-old accountant from Shanghai.

The unflattering image of the rich in China is mainly the result of how people perceive the wealthy earned their money. A survey by Renmin University of China showed only 5.3 percent of the thousands of respondents believed the rich obtained their wealth legally. This is often reinforced by the many media reports of bribery, stock fraud and corruption, making the wealthy the favorite punching bag of the dissatisfied.

Wei Jun, a 24-year-old man from Jiangsu Province, was sentenced to 20 months earlier this year after he smashed the window of two Mercedes-Benz in a Nanjing parking lot. He told the court that he had just been fired from a local restaurant where he earned only 1,000 yuan a month.

“Why can some people drive such good cars and I have to wander on the streets?” he asked the court. “I temporarily lost my balance,”he confessed.

“The huge income gap between the rich and poor has caused social unrest and some psychological problems,” said Zhang Ming, a political science professor from Renmin University.

This opinion is echoed by Xue Yong, the author of The hatred against the rich, who wrote that historically China was not anti-rich, but uneven development and little protection for the poor are reasons for much of the public vitriol aimed at the wealthy.

Even China’s much-loved scientist Yuan Longping, hasn’t been spared a public bashing over his wealth. Yuan developed hybrid rice plants in the 1970s, which significantly increased yields and helped alleviate the threat of famine in dozens of countries in Asia and Africa.

Yuan was pilloried on a Web posting that reported he had bought a car for near 1 million yuan from an auto show in Hunan Province, and that he already owned seven other luxury cars.

Before Yuan was able to discount the report as false, many netizens expressed their support saying they didn’t care if Yuan owned seven private jets.

A CCTV commentator noted the public’s green-eyed envy of the rich doesn’t extend to a man like Yuan who has made a great contribution to society and is seen as deserving of his wealth.

An official of the Beijing Administration for Industry and Commerce has ordered advertisers to cool it on promises of ostentatious extravagance, which was feared to be fueling sentiment against the wealthy and liable to increase public discontent.

Pan Zhichang, director of International Media Research Center from Nanjing University, said some real estate advertisements that promote a “Royal”, “Aristocratic” lifestyle are bound to disgruntle average wage earners.

“Forbidding such advertising is not enough, we have to solve this deep rooted problem,” said Xia Xueluan, a sociology professor from Peking University.

“Taking down advertisements won’t narrow the gap between the rich and the poor,” Xia said.

Getting rich; feeling vulnerable

The rich in China are also vulnerable to threats, physical violence and blackmail. The media has reported on numerous cases of wealthy people being forced to pay protection money and some have been murdered when they refused.

A former journalist-turned-publisher has decided the best way to protect her family and her wealth is to emigrate to the United State, even though she speaks little English and her husband has no intention of learning the language. She agreed to talk to the Global Times if she was not identified. “I worry about the future. I know a lot of wealthy people like me who don’t feel secure because they think there could be stability issues in China. We’re hedging our bets.”

She understands why some people might hate the rich, considering the reports of corruption and illegal means some of the wealthy have used. “Many people don’t realize, though, that most wealthy people got where they are because they had good ideas and worked hard for the success they have achieved,” she said.

The mother of two appreciates and fully enjoys being one of the lucky million or so who are leading the very good life in China. A chauffeur drives her to her office and three nannies help run her household. There’s horseback riding at the family’s country retreat on the weekends and her son attends an expensive private school.

She purposefully maintains a low public profile and makes sure she pays all required taxes. Worrying about maintaining her status and wealth is even harder than getting there, she said.

She’s still in a bit of shock that her former neighbor, Huang Guangyu, once listed as China’s wealthiest person is now serving 14 years in prison for stock fraud and insider trading when he was the head of the giant electronics retailer Gome. “What he did, everybody is doing. He must have had some very big enemies,” she said.

A sense of insecurity seems to be driving many of China’s rich to at least consider transferring their wealth abroad. China’s Merchants Bank recently reported that 60 percent of China’s millionaires say they would like to emigrate. The report claims that 27 percent of those with assets of 1 billion yuan have already emigrated to wealthier countries. The Beijing immigration center confirms that the number of investor emigrants has increased sharply over the past five years.

Well-known columnist Tong Dahuan wrote in China Youth Daily that the wealthy are the first group to be criticized when social conflicts are magnified. “So once the time is right, many of them choose to go to other countries where they can find relative fairness and a healthy environment,” he said. “That’s not a good sign, because it’s like we are helping cultivate fortunes only to see them flee to other countries.”

(Source: Global Times)

By TANYA KERSSEN

SOURCE: COUNTER PUNCH

Tear gas and rubber bullets were flying last Friday in the streets of San Pedro Sula, Honduras. Nearly two years after the overthrow of the country’s democratically elected president, the new regime was knocking elbows with diplomats and billionaires at a widely publicized business convention unironically called (with no Spanish translation) “Honduras is Open for Business.” What Hondurans saw was their country being sold to the highest bidder.

This is nothing new, perhaps, in a “banana republic” long controlled by U.S. interests. Already by 1917 a few foreign companies, led by United Fruit (now Chiquita) owned a million acres of the best Honduran farmland. After 1954, the U.S. heavily built up the Honduran army—military aid exchanged for access to raw materials—ultimately leading to a military coup in 1963. By this time, the U.S. controlled 95 percent of all foreign investments, including infrastructure, key exports and the two largest banks. A boom in commercial agriculture, especially in cattle and cotton, led to waves of peasant expropriation from their lands.

With the lowest per capita income in Central America, but with a strong military, Honduras in the 80s was viewed as a “U.S. surrogate” in the region, providing a base for counter-insurgency operations. The Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) signed in 2005 further cemented U.S. economic influence.

But when president Manuel Zelaya was overthrown in a military coup in June 2009, with strong support from large landowners and business elites, something changed in Honduras. A national resistance movement emerged, embodied in the Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular, uniting virtually every sector of Honduran society, from teachers and students to peasants, workers, indigenous peoples, faith-based organizations and LGBT groups. The scale of the repression, little-publicized in the U.S., has also been intense, with regime leader Porfirio “Pepe” Lobo Sosa unleashing violence on unarmed pro-democracy protestors.

The U.S. is further strengthening the repressive Honduran military with $1.75 million in Drug War funds, and bankrolling “trade, investment and competitiveness” activities through USAID, including last week’s business conference. A May 3 press release by the U.S. embassy in Tegucigalpa reads:

“U.S. officials including Under Secretary of Commerce Francisco J. Sanchez, who leads U.S. international trade policy, and Ambassador Hugo Llorens are visiting San Pedro Sula to support the Honduras is Open for Business conference May 4-6… The U.S. welcomes this opportunity to deepen trade relations with Honduras, and to show American companies how investing in Honduras benefits both countries. 

Approximately 70 per cent of new foreign direct investment in Honduras already comes from the United States. Business relationships, both established and new, will have the opportunity to flourish under CAFTA-DR, which over the past five years has increased trade flows between the U.S. and Honduras. The U.S. is pleased to continue working with President Lobo and his economic team, who are making consistent efforts to ensure Honduras’ continued economic recovery.

The Lobos Sosa regime is desperate for this kind of recognition, and scrambling to keep the lid on its misdeeds by ransacking community radio stations, and threatening and killing journalists. Attacks against women, gays and lesbians, indigenous people and Afro-Hondurans have increased. Artistic and cultural expressions are viewed as a subversive threat by a regime with almost no popular legitimacy. A peaceful, open-air concert by the band Café Guancasco was repressed in September 2010, tear-gassing the crowd, beating the musicians and destroying $30,000 in rented gear. March was a particularly brutal month for the pro-democracy movement. Government efforts to privatize health care and public education were met with nation-wide protests.

The Honduran daily Tiempo reports that, after Day Two of “Honduras is Open for Business,” $250 million in investments has been committed in the energy, tourism, agribusiness and infrastructure sectors. Foreign Relations Sub-Secretary Alden Rivera told Tiempo that another 4.5 billion would be rolling in over the next three years. The new investment strategy includes pursuing the expansion of agrofuels production, at the expense of peasant food production, and the production of genetically modified seeds, stating: “Honduras is the only Central American country that has the legal bases for the production of GMOs. Considering this potential, the project proposes the production of certified seeds for local production of GMOs for export.”

In the Aguan Valley, some of the richest land in the country is controlled by three powerful men, who are using the land to produce palm oil for export. Weeks before it was overthrown, the Zelaya government had agreed to grant land titles to peasants in the region. In November 2010, the military occupied the Aguan Valley’s National Land Reform Institute, the government ministry charged with distributing land, for two months. During this period, the private security guards of Miguel Facussé, the richest man in Honduras, ambushed and killed five peasant farmers working land they had held for more than 10 years. Fourteen peasant murders have been linked to the palm oil magnate with no criminal investigation.

In response to government attempts to justify the repression through accusations of terrorist organizing in Aguan, Honduran representative of Vía Campesina Rafael Alegría stated:

“For a year now they’ve been claiming there is an organized guerrilla cell in Aguan, even trying to blame some of us peasant leaders, but days later they recanted the allegations. In Aguan, there is an organized peasant movement that fights every day to defend the land. But Mr. Lobo is mistaken: those who have the weapons are the police, the military and the security guards of large landowners… The state bought this land for purposes of agrarian reform so it belongs to the peasants.”

Aguan Valley farmer Miguel Rámirez—who survived a gunshot to the face with a high-caliber machinegun—speaks out: “We have to move this country forward through Resistance. It’s our only hope. Thankfully, the country has now woken up.” The U.S. has recognized the Lobo regime as legitimate despite mounting State repression and a broad-based and growing pro-democracy movement. Now more than ever, as the country nears the two-year anniversary of the June 28 coup, Hondurans need international solidarity.

Tanya Kerssen can be reached at tkerssen@foodfirst.org  Spread the word, and urge your congressperson to sign the Congressional Letter, by the May 25 deadline, publicly denouncing human rights’ abuses in Honduras.

SOURCE: SOUTH ASIA REVOLUTION

by Mohan Baidhya Kiran

‘The immediate political proposal’ presented by comrade chairman in the Politburo meeting held on April 20, 2011 and also in the present Central Committee meeting is against the fundamental spirit of the political line adopted by the Central Committee meeting held soon after the Palungtar extended meeting. Expressing my dissenting opinion on Chairman’s proposal, I, therefore, would like to present a separate political proposal in this committee.

1. Two main problems at present

The country is now in a grave political crisis.

We have now two main problems. They are: problems related to class struggle or national struggle and problem related to two-line struggle in the party. The problem concerning national struggle is related to the problem in correctly identifying the class enemy and the problem in effectively advancing the struggle against it. Now the reactionaries, on the one hand, are conspiring to convert our party — Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) — into a reformist and status-quoist party by pushing it to the grand parliamentary quagmire and should this plan fail, they are plotting to resort to suppression against our party, one the other.

We must understand this truth properly.

In the same way, the two-line struggle in the party is getting complicated and this is also the expression of class struggle. We also must be serious on the issue of properly understanding the two-line struggle and advancing it in a comradely manner.

Now families of martyrs, families of disappeared warriors, and injured and disabled warriors are expecting from our parties to realize their aspirations and dreams of liberation. The entire Nepali people including workers, peasants, women, dalits (oppressed), janajaties [minority nationalities], Muslims and all backward people and classes as well as the international proletarian class, too, are watching at our party as a centre of hope for their bright future.

We must pay our attention to all these factors.

A true communist party and its leaders must seek scientific solution to these problems. Otherwise, the validity and justification of such leadership would automatically come to an end. We must be very serious on this issue.

2. On the Chairman’s proposal

The political proposal presented by comrade Chairman is against the fundamental spirit of the political line and policies based on the political proposal adopted by the Central Committee which was a continuation of the Sixth Extended Meeting of the Central Committee held in Palungtar.

In this connection, it is necessary to give due attention to the following matters:

In the first place, comrade Chairman’s proposal has rejected the political line adopted by the central committee convened as per the directives of the Palungtar plenum. The earlier political line of the party was rejected in the name of

“clarifying confusions in the political line and modifying the plans of actions in view of the new developments and changed context”.

On the one hand, comrade Chairman, in his proposal, has avoided the issue concerning the review of the situation emerged after the Palungtar Plenum and he has also reincorporated his own views in it. Herein has been used sophism against dialectic materialism.

Secondly, in the document on political line that was adopted after the thorough analysis of national and international situation by the Central Committee in accordance with the mandate of the Palungtar plenum, it was stated:

“The party has adopted the establishment of people’s federal republic as the immediate tactics. It has adopted a clear-cut policy of consolidating mass insurrection for the establishment of people’s federal republic or people’s republic through struggles from three fronts-constitution, peace and government-with priority to street struggle on the basis of four preparations and four bases.

“The party has also made it clear that it has to move ahead by consolidating the movement taking up issues of national independence, people’s supremacy and other burning issues directly related to the people including their livelihood.

“Now it is urgent for the party to act in practice by formulating concrete action plans on the basis of this political line”.

[Note by Kasama: The “Four Preparations” referred to are: 1. theoretical and political 2. organizational 3. mass struggle and class struggle 4. technical preparation.]

But the political proposal presented now has stated,

“As a part of four preparations and four bases, it is necessary to take ahead the process of army integration and rehabilitation and prepare a unified draft of the Constitution and take it to the people for debate, despite differences on some key issues including the ones related to state restructuring, governance structure and electoral system.”

It is clear that the proposed proposal does not match with the spirit of earlier report adopted by the Central Committee as directed by the Palungtar Plenum. This proposal has rejected the political line adopted by the Central Committee held after the Palungtar Plenum.

Thirdly, citing the intensification of conspiracy of imperialists, expansionists and reactionaries to break the peace process, dissolve the Constituent Assembly, impose tyranny on the people and seize the achievements of the “People’s War” and popular movement, the Chairman’s political proposal has stated the necessity to immediately integrate the army and prepare a unified draft of the Constitution to foil the conspiracy.

This logic is based on pessimistic and capitulationist thinking that considers reactionaries stronger than their real strength and sees only the negative aspects of the situation. This is monolithic thinking which is against the materialistic dialecticism that believes in the thinking that the political line and tactics should be adopted on the basis of concrete analysis of concrete situation.

Fourthly, this document does not contain the correct and scientific answer of the question as to why the revolutionary political line could not be implemented. In the report, the role of the main leadership for its failure to concrete on four preparations and four bases that was required for the mass insurrection has been described as the secondary one while ‘”rising factionalism, anarchy, confusion and suspicions in the party and antagonistic and separatist activities,” which are in fact, secondary factors, have been cited as the primary reasons.

Fifthly, comrade Chairman, in various parts of his report, has, as usual, raised three lines or trends in the party. But there are only two trends in the Party at present. The parliamentarism and inertia are not two separate trends but fundamentally one.

3. Some Ideological Questions

It is necessary in the present juncture to pay due attention to some ideological questions in order to develop the communist party into a new kind of communist party and to effectively advance the tasks of revolution.

These ideological questions are as follows:

Firstly, it is the question relating to dissecting one into two and integrating the two into one. This is the question that is related to intense struggle between dialectics and eclecticism in the ideological front and between class struggle and class coordination in the political arena.

The principle of dissecting one-into-two is based on dialectical materialism and integrating two-into-one is based on eclecticism and class coordination. In this crucial juncture, we must firmly stand in favour of dialectical materialism and class struggle and against eclecticism and class coordination.

The second issue is related to the relationship between imperialism and revisionism.

Engels had said that capitalist party or the party of elite workers was being developed in the first monopolized country, England. After that Lenin had also especially mentioned that capitalism had taken the form of imperialism which has resulted in the development of revisionist parties of the elite workers in different countries and it consequently resulted in split and fragmentation in the communist movement.

Now imperialism, which is the highly developed form of capitalism, has projected itself in a new form and cover. Against this background, the alliance between imperialism and revisionism is also being developed into a new form and colour. Factionalism, division and opportunism in any revolutionary communist party are the expression of this alliance.

True revolutionary communists must be alert against the alliance between imperialism and revisionism.

Thirdly, it is related to the question that seeks to turn the tactics of Constituent Assembly into the strategy. In the process of capitalist democratic revolution, proletarian class can present the tactics of Constituent Assembly and this can be viewed as a correct tactics as well. But we have to be alert to ensure that such tactics would not be allowed to turn into the strategy. This is so because reactionaries can utilize the Constituent Assembly for their own interests. If the Constituent Assembly slipped out of the control of proletarian class, it shall have no meaning and validity. In such a situation, a people’s constitution cannot be made from the Constituent Assembly.

The fourth question is related to the tendency of opposing revolutionary Marxism and advocating revisionism in the name of creativity, originality and newness. The history of international communist movement as well as Nepali communist movement has proved that all kinds of rightist and revisionists have been unleashing onslaught against revolutionary Marxism and Marxists in the name of creativity, originality and newness.

The revisionists describe revolutionary Marxism as old Marxism, dogmatism and conservative Marxism and in the same way they describe revolutionary Marxists as traditionalists, conservatives and dogmatists. Right from Bernstein, all rightists, revisionists, so-called neo-communists and all post-modernists have been doing exactly the same.

Many revolutionaries also get scared from this reactionary onslaught and it is necessary to be clear on this matter as well.

Fifthly, this is the issue relating to the understanding of liquidationism. The characteristics of the liquidationism is to abandon revolutionary ideology and communist party that is guided by revolutionary ideology and revolutionary political line and struggle and also to give emphasis on legitimate and legal actions in all fronts. It is also necessary to become alert to ensure that we are not going to be degenerated into liquidationism.

4. Brief review of situation after Palungtar meeting

The two-line struggle had reached a climax in the extended meeting of the Central Committee held in Palungtar of Gorkha district.

Finally, the meeting reached a conclusion with the mandate of transformation, unity and mass insurrection. In the central committee meeting held after the Palungtar plenum, a political document had been adopted by integrating positive aspects of the reports of comrade Prachanda and comrade Kiran on the one hand and decision had been taken to discuss the rest of the issues in appropriate forums and settle them in the next national congress or assembly. With the conclusion that it was necessary to establish a people’s federal republic and protect national independence and that the principal contradiction of the people of Nepal was with domestic reactionaries and Indian expansionism, the meeting had decided to make four preparations and four bases for the mass insurrection.

Similarly, a five-point formula had been adopted on the issues concerning two-line struggle. This kind of decision had rekindled a new hope and enthusiasm in the entire rank and file of the party and among the people. But concrete progress could not be made in the process of translating the political line into action.

Despite many complications, orientation (schooling) programmes, both at the central and local level, were held in different regions after the meeting. But situation was not favourable to move ahead with concrete plans. The implementation of the party’s political line was obstructed not only by those who had disagreement in it but also from a large section of those who had agreed on it.

In addition to this, the main leadership exhibited dual character of acceptance of the political line in words and objection to it in action.

Efforts were also made to create rift and create enmity among those who had agreement on the political line from top to bottom. Party Chairman demonstrated some example of dual characters by advocating mass insurrection with one section of the people and openly opposing with the others. He, on the one hand, said that Constitution writing was impossible and he, at the same time, said the Constitution would be written by midnight of May 28. Similarly, he said with one section of the people that the formation of people’s volunteers was a must and said with other people that this idea was bad. Not only this, he, on the one hand, signed a Seven-Point Agreement and helped form the government, while he tried to pull down the government by entering into the 12-Point Agreement. These are some of the dual characters and double standards of party Chairman.

It has proved that there has not yet been revolutionary transformation in the main leadership of the party. The main leadership is, therefore, responsible for the failure of implementing the political line of the party.

Analyzing the entire situation right from the Palungtar plenum, the following conclusion can be made regarding the main leadership.

1. From class perspectives, the main leadership has ceased to trust the lower class but has started trusting the upper class or reactionary class and the trend of class uplifting has been strong in the leadership.
2. Ideologically, it is oriented to eclecticism and anarchic evolution.
3. Politically, it is moving from centrism to reformism and national capitulation. Special efforts are, therefore, necessary to take the ideological struggle to a newer height and reverse this trend.

Finally, what must be mentioned here is that comrade chairman has raised a question why the rule concerning the two-line struggle was not implemented. This is a serious matter. When ideological and political line is separated from the rule and principle of democratic centralism, this gives rise to a grave situation. This issue requires massive and intensive discussion.

5. Present political situation

Now , the process of imperialist globalization has been deepening in an swifter manner, on the one hand, while the competition among the imperialist powers has also slowly intensifying. The contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries is the principal contradiction in the present day world. In addition to that, Asia, Africa and Latin America are the turbulent center of revolution and the revolution is the principal trend of the world at present.

At this juncture, the principal contradiction of the Nepalese people is with the domestic reactionaries under the leadership of comprador capitalism and Indian expansionism. The process of ingratiation and neo-colonialism has intensified in Nepal. Now there has not only been serious conspiracy against the process and objective of constitution writing through the Constituent Assembly but at the sometime our national independence is also under threat. In this situation, it is necessary to turn the existing political crisis into the revolutionary crisis, for which we must be serious.

At this crucial time, it is necessary to analyze the political situation mentioned in the political report presented by comrade chairman and discuss the conclusion made on the basis of this analysis.

In this proposal, it has been stated that the possibility of implementing the plan of utilizing the political crisis to turn it into revolutionary crisis by May 28 is getting impossible.

In the report it has been pointed out the possibility of constitutional vacuum after May 28 and it has raised the possibility of presidential rule or some kind of coup to be staged by the president. In view of this situation, the report of the chairman has made a conclusion on the necessity of army integration and preparation of the draft constitution. We need to be clear that the report of the chairman has neither objectively analyzed the situation nor has it made correct conclusion.

In fact, it is a capitulationist conclusion made on the basis of monolithic analysis of the situation. As a matter of fact, there would not be any constitutional crisis even if the constitution was not promulgated by May 28. It is so because the Interim Constitution has the provision that states that the Constituent Assembly would continue to exist until the new constitution is promulgated. If anyone tries to stage a coup violating the constitutional provision, there would be a possibility of stormy people’s revolution, which may create the situation that would pave the way for turning the political crisis into the revolutionary crisis.

The revolutionary forces need to give especial attention to utilizing this situation for mass insurrection. But comrade Chairman’s attention has never been directed towards this possibility.

In the same way, some responsible people, one the one hand, are deliberately blocking the process of constitution writing and they are, at the same time, spreading the rumour to confuse the people and convince them that constitution writing process has been obstructed by the Maoists, on the other.

In addition to this, some planned criminal activities like explosions, hooting the inmate inside prison, fatal assault on Energy Minister and shooting the staff of diplomatic mission of certain country have been carried out. These incidents are seriously linked with the issue of nationalism. Now the constitution writing is related not only with democracy but also with the issue of national independence.

In such a situation, the fury in the mind of Nepalese people against domestic and international reactionaries is deepening. People want to conclude the peace process in a revolutionary way, write the constitution through the Constituent Assembly and solve the problems related to people’s livelihood, for which they have established and accepted the UCPN-Maoist as the dependable and trustworthy party. If the constitution is not written and intensification of danger on national independence grows, it is certain that people’s fury would further intensify.

In overall sense, the objective situation for revolution and mass insurrection is still favourable. But subjective situation is weak and unfavorable, to some extent. Despite this, if we advance our tasks of unifying the party and the task related to four preparations and four bases, we cannot rule out the possibility of transforming the political crisis into revolutionary crisis and give the mass insurrection a practical shape within the predetermined time.

Hence, we, correctly assessing the revolutionary objective situation, need to pay special attention to the preparation of subjective situation.

6. Immediate Political Line, Policy and Action Plan

The principal political line of the revolution to be completed in a country like Nepal which is in semi-feudal and semi colonial state is and should be based on the grand objective of advancing to socialism and communism through the completion of new people’s democratic revolution. The new people’s democratic revolution to be completed in Nepal is based on the strategy of unifying patriotic, democratic and communist forces and also the general mass under the leadership of proletarian class against feudalism and imperialism.

To complete this type of revolution in the present unique national and international context, establishment of people’s federal republic, protection of national independence and resolution of fundamental problems related to the livelihood of the people are the subjects of principal political tactics of our party. This type of principal strategic tactics is closely related with peace, constitution and mass insurrection as their integral part.

The repression, counter revolution and the conspiracy of the reactionary forces to impose tyranny on the people cannot be resisted through capitulationist style like integrating armies and writing the status-quoist constitution. This can be done only by intervening from the government, mobilizing the people e on the streets and effectively advancing the exposure campaign and also by giving practical shape to the tasks concerning the four preparations and four bases.

Mass insurrection is not something that can be accomplished within the predetermined time. Instead it is based on the synthesis of objective and subjective situation. The logic that says the mass insurrection is not possible within the predetermined time is in no way meant for army integration in a capitulationist manner and promulgation of the status quoist constitution. The mass insurrection is possible in any circumstance and especial emphasis should be given for its preparation.

In this context, we need to move ahead in the following ways:

a. On Constitution

• ‘People’s Federal Republic’ to be mentioned in the preamble of the constitution.
• The report of the committee concerning state restructuring to be made its basis.
• On the question of governance structure, the largest number of votes in the sub-committee to be made its basis.
• Basic priority to be given to workers, peasants, women, oppressed, nationalities and the people belonging to backward areas including Mashes.
• Constitution with the essence of anti-feudalism and anti-imperialism to be formulated
• The party should draft a brief constitution based on these subjects and take it to the people

b. On Army Integration

• Not to accept regrouping without deciding the modality
• Security related policy to be formulated prior to the army integration
• People’s Liberation Army to be integrated as a separate or mixed force and its command to remain with the People’s Liberation Army
• People’s Liberation Army to be given the responsibility of border security force

c. On relation between the constitution and army integration

• People’s Liberation Army to be established as the principal force for change in Nepal
• Formulation of people’s constitution and army integration to be completed simultaneously

d. On government

• The present government to be given continuity
• Representatives to be sent to the cabinet on proportionate and inclusive basis

e. On Organizational task

• Freeing the party from all kinds of wrong thoughts and trends like groupism and splitist trend, struggle to be launched to build a new type of communist party
• In the local level, party, youth force, fronts and committees to be effectively organized
• Mobilization of people, service to the people and the disclosure campaign to be made systematic and to be organized more effectively.
• Considering the present national necessity, a united front of patriotic, democratic and communist forces to be created also in the central level.
• The task concerning division of responsibility to be made more organized

f. On mobilization of people, service to the people and exposure campaign

The fundamental issues of this campaign are as follows:

• Peace and constitution
• Defence of national independence and sovereignty, annulment of unequal treaties and agreements including 1950 Treaty, resistance against external interference including border encroachment.
• Campaign against killing, hooliganism and insecurity
• Rs one million to be given to the family of the martyrs, disappeared warriors to be made public, appropriate relief to be given to injured and disabled fighters.
• Campaign to control price hike and corruption
• All old and new cases against the Maoists to be withdrawn

SOURCE: SOCIALIST WORKER_USA

May 17, 2011

Source: New Statesman

He didn’t get what he wanted, actually the opposite happened, now we know Hezbollah didn’t just manage to survive, the Jihadi organization got much stronger since then, and now they have the big say in the process of selecting a new government, and after the war was over, they even got exactly what they wanted, they freed the “man never to be released” in Israel, Samir Al-Qentar. Olmert’s actions declared literally that Israel doesn’t have great leaders nor good leaders any more.

The writer of the article I mentioned previously, argued that if Sharon was the PM at that time he wouldn’t even think about launching war, instead he would have planned a limited operation, maybe taking some of Hezbollah’s leaders as hostages, taking control of some strategic areas but not going through a whole invasion for tow soldiers.

Back in 1998 Bill Clinton, the democratic president of the united states of America, gave the green light for what was called “the desert wolf”, it was an operation against the Iraqi president at that time, Saddam Hussein, hoping that the attack would get him much weaker, and as a result the opposition have a chance to overthrow the Iraqi dictator, it didn’t work, but he gave it a shot.

What we see today in the tragic events going on in Libya, a US president who chooses to wait, making some moves here and there, but basically he is just waiting, for what? the state department already declared their refusal for the continuation of the Gaddafi regime, although they didn’t break the thin line with Gaddafi who doesn’t have much pride not to get the diplomatic and economic relations back on the track with the US if he wins the war against his own people, so Obama is playing his card for that, let’s keep the dictator who guarantees our business, and with time passing by, the people are wining so we will take more steps against the regime as long as it’s getting weaker.

It will work, I guarantee it can’t be much better for a leader, having a cake for sure, and choosing when to eat it, but what if the people won and didn’t accept the Obama possession during the revolution, taking into account the Arabs don’t like the US very much, and maybe that hesitated possession explains why.

My point is, if there was a good leader-and I’m not going back through the northern American history-not even a great leader, he would take the chance, give it a shot, on one hand if the US supports the revolutionaries in real actions they will win the hearts and minds of a people in a new democratic country, on the other hand if Gaddafi survived, so what he doesn’t have much pride, it wouldn’t be impossible to get things right, maybe after his death, with his son, so why not take this choice? Why not try to be a good leader and if it works, it will change the entire relation between the US government and Arabs at least in the newly freed countries, and that would make Obama a great leader, not just a leader.